31 octobre 2006

To err is human; to forgive, divine...

Founder of Christian monasticism. The chief source of information on St. Anthony is a Greek Life attributed to St. Athanasius, to be found in any edition of his works. A note of the controversy concerning this Life is given at the end of this article; here it will suffice to say that now it is received with practical unanimity by scholars as a substantially historical record, and as a probably authentic work of St. Athanasius. Valuable subsidiary information is supplied by secondary sources: the "Apophthegmata", chiefly those collected under Anthony's name (at the head of Cotelier's alphabetical collection, P.G. LXV, 7]); Cassian, especially Coll. II; Palladius, "Historica Lausiaca", 3,4,21,22 (ed. Butler). All this matter may probably be accepted as substantially authentic, whereas what is related concerning St. Anthony in St. Jerome's Life of St. Paul the Hermit" cannot be used for historical purposes.

Anthony was born at Coma, near Heracleopolis Magna in Fayum, about the middle of the third century. He was the son of well-to-do parents, and on their death, in his twentieth year, he inherited their possessions. He had a desire to imitate the life of the Apostles and the early Christians, and one day, on hearing in the church the Gospel words, "If thou wilt be perfect, go and sell all thou hast", he received them as spoken to himself, disposed of all his property and goods, and devoted himself exclusively to religious exercises. Long before this it had been usual for Christians to practice asceticism, abstain from marriage and exercising themselves in self-denial, fasting, prayer, and works of piety; but this they had done in the midst of their families, and without leaving house or home. Later on, in Egypt. such ascetics lived in huts, in the outskirts of the towns and villages, and this was the common practice about 270, when Anthony withdrew from the world. He began his career by practising the ascetical life in this fashion without leaving his native place. He used to visit the various ascetics, study their lives, and try to learn from each of them the virtue in which he seemed to excel.

Then he took up his abode in one of the tombs, near his native village, and there it was that the Life records those strange conflicts with demons in the shape of wild beasts, who inflicted blows upon him, and sometimes left him nearly dead. After fifteen years of this life, at the age of thirty-five, Anthony determined to withdraw from the habitations of men and retire in absolute solitude. He crossed the Nile, and on a mountain near the east bank, then called Pispir, now Der el Memum, he found an old fort into which he shut himself, and lived there for twenty years without seeing the face of man, food being thrown to him over the wall. He was at times visited by pilgrims, whom he refused to see; but gradually a number of would-be disciples established themselves in caves and in huts around the mountain, Thus a colony of ascetics was formed, who begged Anthony to come forth and be their guide in the spiritual life.

At length, about the year 305, he yielded to their importunities an emerged from his retreat, and, to the surprise of all, he appeared to be as when he had gone in, not emaciated, but vigorous in body and mind. For five or six years he devoted himself to the instruction and organization of the great body of monks that had grown up around him; but then he once again withdrew into the inner desert that lay between the Nile and the Red Sea, near the shore of which he fixed his abode on a mountain where still stands the monastery that bears his name, Der Mar Antonios. Here he spent the last forty-five years of his life, in a seclusion, not so strict as Pispir, for he freely saw those who came to visit him, and he used to cross the desert to Pispir with considerable frequency.

The Life says that on two occasions he went to Alexandria, once after he came forth from the fort at Pispir, to strengthen the Christian martyrs in the persecution of 311, and once at the close of his life (c. 350), to preach against the Arians. The Life says he dies at the age of a hundred and five, and St. Jerome places his death in 356-357. All the chronology is based on the hypothesis that this date and the figures in the Life are correct. At his own request his grave was kept secret by the two disciples who buried him, lest his body should become an object of reverence.

Of his writings, the most authentic formulation of his teaching is without doubt that which is contained in the various sayings and discourses put into his mouth in the Life, especially the long ascetic sermons (16-43) spoken on his coming forth from the fort at Pispir. It is an instruction on the duties of the spiritual life, in which the warfare with demons occupies the chief place. Though probably not an actual discourse spoken on any single occasion, it can hardly be a mere invention of the biographer, and doubtless reproduces St. Anthony's actual doctrine, brought together and co-ordinated.

It is likely that many of the sayings attributed to him in the "Apophthegmata" really go back to him, and the same may be said of the stories told of him in Cassian and Palladius. There is a homogeneity about these records, and a certain dignity and spiritual elevation that seem to mark them with the stamp of truth, and to justify the belief that the picture they give us of St Anthony's personality, character, and teaching is essentially authentic. A different verdict has to be passed on the writings that go under his name, to be found in P.G., XL.

The Sermons and twenty Epistles from the Arabic are by common consent pronounced wholly spurious. St Jerome (De Viris Ill., lxxxviii) knew seven epistles translated from the Coptic into Greek; the Greek appears to be lost, but a Latin version exists (ibid.), and Coptic fragments exist of three of these letters, agreeing closely with the Latin; they may be authentic, but it would be premature to decide. Better is the position of a Greek letter to Theodore, preserved in the "Epistola Ammonis ad Theophilum", sect. 20, and said to be a translation of a Coptic original; there seems to be no sufficient ground for doubting that it really was written by Anthony (see Butler, Lausiac History of Palladius, Part I,223).

The authorities are agreed that St Anthony knew no Greek and spoke only Coptic. There exists a monastic Rule that bears St Anthony's name, preserved in Latin and Arabic forms (P.G., XL, 1065). While it cannot be received as having been actually composed by Anthony, it probably in large measure goes back to him, being for the most part made up out of the utterances attributed to him in the Life and the "Apophthegmata"; it contains, however, an element derived from the spuria and also from the "Pachomian Rules".

It was compiled at an early date, and had a great vogue in Egypt the East. At this day it is the rule followed by the Uniat Monks of Syria and Armenia, of whom the Maronites, with sixty monasteries and 1,100 monks, are the most important; it is followed also by the scanty remnants of Coptic monachism.

It will be proper to define St. Anthony's place, and to explain his influence in the history of Christian monachism. He probably was not the first Christian hermit; it is more reasonable to believe that, however little historical St Jerome's "Vita Pauli" may be, some kernel o fact underlies the story (Butler, op. cit., Pat I, 231,232), but Paul's existence was wholly unknown unknown till long after Anthony has become the recognized leader of Christian hermits.

Nor was St Anthony a great legislator and organizer of monks, like his younger contemporary Pachomius: for, though Pachomius's first foundations were probably some ten or fifteen years later than Anthony's coming forth from his retreat at Pispir, it cannot be shown that Pachomius was directly influenced by Anthony, indeed his institute ran on quite different lines. And yet it is abundantly evident that from the middle of the fourth century throughout Egypt, as elsewhere, and among the Pachomian monks themselves, St Anthony was looked upon as the founder and father of Christian monachism. This great position was no doubt due to his commanding personality and high character, qualities that stand out clearly in all the records of him that have come down.

The best study of his character is Newman's in the "Church of the Fathers" (reprinted in "Historical Sketches"). The following is his estimate: "His doctrine surely was pure and unimpeachable; and his temper is high and heavenly, without cowardice, without gloom, without formality, without self-complacency. Superstition is abject and crouching, it is full of thoughts of guilt; it distrusts God, and dreads the powers of evil. Anthony at least had nothing of this, being full of confidence, divine peace, cheerfulness, and valorousness, be he (as some men may judge) ever so much an enthusiast" (op.cit., Anthony in Conflict).

Full of enthusiasm he was, but it did not make him fanatical or morose; his urbanity and gentleness, his moderation and sense stand out in many of the stories related of him. Abbot Moses in Cassian (Coll. II) says he had heard Anthony maintaining that of all virtues discretion was the most essential for attaining perfection; and the little known story of Eulogius and the Cripple, preserved in the Lausiac History (xxi), illustrates the kind of advice and direction he gave to those who sought his guidance.

The monasticism established under St Anthony's direct influence became the norm in Northern Egypt, from Lycopolis (Asyut) to the Mediterranean. In contradistinction to the fully coenobitical system, established by Pachomius in the South, it continued to be of a semi-eremetical character, the monks living commonly in separate cells or huts, and coming together only occasionally for church services; they were left very much to their own devices, and the life they lived was not a community life according to rule, as now understood (see Butler, op. cit., Part I, 233-238). This was the form of monastic life in the deserts of Nitria and Scete, as portrayed by Palladius and Cassian.

Such groups of semi-independent hermitages were later on called Lauras, and have always existed in the East alongside of the Basilian monasteries; in the West St Anthony's monachism is in some measure represented by the Carthusians. Such was St Anthony's life and character, and such his role in Christian history. He is justly recognized as the father not only of monasticism, strictly so called, but of the technical religious life in every shape and form. Few names have exercised on the human race an influence more deep and lasting, more widespread, or on the whole more beneficent.

It remains to say a word on the controversy carried on during the present generation concerning St Anthony and the Life. In 1877 Weingarten denied the Athanasian authorship and the historical character of the Life, which he pronounced to be a mere romance; he held that up to 340 there were no Christian monks, and that therefore the dates of the "real" Anthony had to be shifted nearly a century.

Some imitators in England went still further and questioned, even denied, that St Anthony had ever existed. To anyone conversant with the literature of monastic Egypt, the notion that the fictitious hero of a novel could ever have come to occupy Anthony's position position in monastic history can appear nothing less than a fantastic paradox. As a matter of fact these theories are abandoned on all hands; the Life is received as certainly historical in substances, and as probably by Athanasius, and the traditional account of monastic origins is reinstated in its great outlines. The episode is now chiefly of interest as a curious example of a theory that was broached and became the fashion, and then was completely abandoned, all within a single generation. (on the controversy see Butler, op.cit. Part I, 215-228, Part II, ix-xi).

30 octobre 2006

Auch das Denken schadet bisweilen der Gesundheit. ( Aristophanes)

Oswald Krell, Albrecht Dürer, 1499.



Das Portrait des Oswald Krell weist eine besonders starke psychologische Ausstrahlung auf: das Bild ist ausdrucksstark und beunruhigend, der ängstliche Blick unterstreicht die innere Spannung der dargestellten Person.


Das Bildnis stammt aus der Sammlung der Prinzen Oettingen-Oettingen-Wallerstein, die es 1812 gekauft haben. Es wird angenommen, dass der wohlhabende Händler Oswald Krell, der von 1495 bis 1503 in Nürnberg gelebt hat, das Portrait seiner eigenen Person bei Dürer zu Ausstellungszwecken in Auftrag gegeben hat. Darauf wird aufgrund der beachtlichen Größe des Bildnisses, die von Dürer zwei Jahre zuvor bereits für seinen Vater verwendet wurde, und die Anordnung im Hochformat geschlossen.

Diese Merkmale bilden auch den Unterschied dieses Bilds im Vergleich zu den Tucher-Portraits, die zu privaten Zweck angefertigt wurden.Auf der mittleren Tafel zeigt der Hintergrund, wie bei den Tucher-Portraits, einen Vorhang und eine Landschaft, die hier allerdings nicht den gleichen Raum einnehmen. Der leuchtend rote Vorhang ist breit und nimmt den größten Teil der Fläche auf der rechten Seite ein; die Landschaft auf der linken Seite beschränkt sich auf einen kleinen Abschnitt eines Flusses, der sich hinter einem Wald mit hohen Bäumen verliert. Die ausdrucksstarke, durch intensive Farben hervorgehobene Figur befindet sich vor dem Vorhang.

Ein Pelzrock bedeckt lediglich die rechte Schulter und bildet einen Kontrast zu dem wertvollen schwarzen Oberkleid auf der linken Seite. Den ungeordneten Falten des Pelzrocks entsprechen die horizontalen und vertikalen Falten des schwarzen Oberkleids. Die Dreiviertel-Ansicht erlaubt dem Maler, die Qualität des Kleidungsstücks hervorzuheben. Diese ausführliche und detailgenaue Darstellung aller Einzelheiten bildet die Grundlage für die Gestaltung des Kopfes: eine kraftvoll männliche Haltung, ausgeprägte Nase und ein Mund mit vollen Lippen, gefurchte Augenbrauen, als ob eine plötzlich aufkommende Angst den Blick in eine unbestimmte Ferne links hinter ihm lenken würde:





Ziel dieser detaillierten Arbeit ist das Betonen der Ernsthaftigkeit, die von den hellbraunen gelockten Haaren kaum gemindert wird. Dem energischen Gesichtsausdruck entspricht die nervöse Geste der linken Hand, deren Finger sich in den Mantel graben:





Farbe, Form und Proportionen verstärken die Ausstrahlung der Person. Der Gesichtsausdruck ist das Ergebnis einer ausgiebigen psychologischen Analyse des Händlers, der ebenso alt war wie Dürer und später zum Bürgermeister seiner Geburtsstadt Lindau ernannt wurde.Die beiden Seitentafeln des Triptychons stellen zwei Männer im Wald dar. Sie halten die Wappenschilder des Händlers und seiner Gattin Agathe von Esendorf. Ursprünglich ließen sich diese beiden Tafeln hinter der zentralen Tafel zusammenklappen. Der Rahmen wurde vor kurzem restauriert.

29 octobre 2006

Denn wer lange bedenkt, der wählt nicht immer das Beste...

Selbstbildnis im Pelzrock, Albrecht Dürer, 1500.




1500 malt Dürer eine Selbstdarstellung in einer hieratischen Pose, die bis zu diesem Zeitpunkt Königen und Christus vorbehalten war, dessen Gesichtszüge er nachahmt. Für Albrecht Dürer war dieses Bildnis möglicherweise eine wörtliche Auslegung der Lehre von der Imitation Jesu Christi, und ein Beweis für seinen Glauben an den göttlichen Ursprung der Schaffenskraft des Künstlers als dem Nachschöpfer im Sinne Gottes.


Während sich die Maler des Mittelalters noch bescheiden als Silhouetten zeichnen und auf den umfangreichen religiösen Kompositionen und Skizzen kaum zu erkennen sind, beschäftigt sich Albrecht Dürer bereits mit der Darstellung seiner eigenen Person. Auf einem Brustbild, das der Künstler im Alter von 13 Jahren anfertigt und auf dem später die folgende Anmerkung hinzugefügt wird – „1484, als ich noch ein Kind war, habe ich mein Bild nach dem Spiegel gezeichnet” - versteckt das noch ungeschickte Kind die Hand mit dem Stift hinter dem Ärmel.

Auf einem anderen Selbstbildnis, das ungefähr auf das Jahr 1491 datiert wird, führt der Künstler seine Hand an sein Gesicht und scheint sich der Melancholie oder einem physischen Leiden hinzugeben. Eine in der Bremer Kunsthalle ausgestellte Tafel zeigt Dürer mit nacktem Oberkörper und folgender Anmerkung „Ich habe Schmerzen dort, wo mein Finger auf einen gelben Flecken weist”, und eine Zeichnung (1500-1505), die im Weimarer Schlossmuseum zu sehen ist, stellt den Maler in voller Größe und fast nackt dar, einziger Präzendenzfall in der Kunstgeschichte bis zum 20. Jahrhundert.

Neben diesen außergewöhnlichen Studien findet sich eine große Anzahl weiterer Portraits. Auf einem von ihnen, das 1493 geschaffen wurde und als eines der ersten autonomen Selbstbildnisse der deutschen Malerei gilt, ist folgende Inschrift zu lesen: „Myn Sach die gat Als es oben schtat”, womit der Künstler zugibt, dass sein Schicksal in den Händen Gottes liegt. In einem 1498 gemalten Portrait dagegen kommt das Gefühl der Überlegenheit des Künstlers als unabhängiger und stolzer Mensch zum Ausdruck: „So malte ich mich selbst im Alter von sechsundzwanzig Jahren.” Für das frontale Selbstbildnis aus dem Jahr 1500 verwendet Dürer ein Schema, das bislang der Darstellung Jesu Christi vorbehalten war.

Der Maler identifiziert sich aufgrund seines Talents mit dem Schöpfer, und trägt gleichzeitig ein Kreuz wie sein Sohn. Auf den folgenden Bildern mischt sich der Maler unter die dargestellten Personen: auf dem Rosenkranzfest, der Marter der zehntausend Christen, dem Heller-Altar und der Anbetung der Heiligen Dreifaltigkeit hält er ein Blatt Papier oder ein Schild mit seiner Unterschrift. Damit wird Dürer Teil seines Werks.


«Mon Dieu, soyez humain»...

L'Homme des douleurs, Albrecht Dürer, 1520.




Cicuta Virosa

Désir de la solitude.
Gémissements.
Manie: la nuit, le malade danse, rit, bat des mains, le tout avec chaleur du corps et forte chaleur de la face.
On croit ne pas vivre dans sa position ordinaire.
On est comme un enfant trouvant tous les objets beaux et attrayants.
Perte complète de la connaissance, avec obscurcissement de la vue.
Sens étourdi avec disposition au regard fixe.
Sens perdu: on ne pense à rien.
Sentiment d'admiration très excité.
Tristesse avec pensées craintives pour l'avenir.

26 octobre 2006

Le but même de l'art étant d'immortaliser l'éphémère...

Le Jugement de Pâris, Jean-Antoine Watteau, 1717.




L'hybris est le sentiment de démesure qui pousse l'homme à se dresser contre les dieux ou à vouloir les égarer.

La responsabilité tragique se pose en termes : d'hamartia, crime, péché, erreur, ignorance, défaut ; de démesure humaine (hubris), orgueil ou violence, inséparables d'une folie divine.
«De toute façon, le tragique ne peut jaillir que d'une opposition entre le divin et l'humain, saisis à la fois comme distincts et comme inséparables. Le héros tragique qui accepte d'être châtié pour un crime inévitable affirme à la fois la fatalité et la liberté de son acte : sa destinée paradoxale. Face à la transcendance, l'homme aura le choix entre l'absurde et l'ironie».

Le sujet mélancolique ne peut plus sortir de la logique du «tout ou rien».

«Cette exigence (l'exigence d'absolu) est caractérisée par une catégorie mentale que j'appellerai celle du «tout ou rien».En face de ce monde que nous appellerons le monde du relatif, se dresse l'homme tragique avec son exigence d'absolu, qui juge ce monde avec la catégorie du tout ou rien, et pour lequel ce qui n'est pas tout est par cela même rien. or, comme le monde n'est jamais tout, il ne peut être que rien. C'est dire que dans la tragédie le conflit entre le héros et le monde est radical et insoluble.»

Une seule considération pour le mélancolique, celle du tout ou rien. En effet, que ce soit l'acte auto-destructeur ou le pari du sens, il s'agit toujours d'un seuil de l'absurde au-delà duquel le choix devient irrémédiable.

25 octobre 2006

Les vrais musiciens, par la manière dont ils attaquent le silence, le rendent plus profond...

Docteur Paul Gachet, Vincent Van Gogh, 1890.



L'éosine de Van Gogh.


Dans une lettre à sa soeur, Van Gogh écrivait : J'ai fait le portrait du docteur Gachet avec une expression de mélancolie qui souvent à ceux qui regarderaient la toile, pourrait paraître une grimace. Et pourtant, c'est ça qu'il faudrait peindre parce qu'alors on peut se rendre compte combien, en comparaison des portraits calmes anciens, il y a l'expression dans nos têtes actuelles et de la passion, et comme de l'attente et comme un cri.

Triste mais doux, mais clair et intelligent, ainsi il faudrait en faire beaucoup, de portraits. cela ferait encore un certain effet à des moments sur les gens. Il y a des têtes modernes que l'on regardera encore longtemps, qu'on regrettera peut être cent ans après. Si j'avais dix ans de moins avec ce que je sais maintenant, comme j'aurais de l'ambition de travailler à cela. Dans les conditions données je ne peux pas grand chose, je ne fréquente ni ne saurais fréquenter assez de sorte de gens que je voudrais influencer.

22 octobre 2006

Gardons-nous de l'ironie en jugeant...


Orpheus Charming the Beasts, Paulus Potter,1650.



Ironie du latin ironia et du grec eirogneia: dans les deux cas se réfère à une ignorance volontairement affichée, à une fin de découverte de la vérité. De là, certains chercheurs pensent qu'il faut rapprocher cette origine du latin ira, «colère», ce qui permettrait d'expliquer l'utilisation de l'ironie à des fins malveillantes et donc irritantes.

Dramatique du latin dramaticus, c'est-à-dire qui a trait à un drame, dans le sens d'«œuvre présentée sur scène».


Le terme ironie, à proprement parler, trouve son premier emploi chez Socrate (vers 450 avant J.-C.) qui utilisait cette méthode d'ignorance apparente afin de dérouter ceux qui faisaient objection à ses arguments au cours d'un «dialogue» (ironie socratique); en ce sens, la conversation socratique pourrait être la première apparition de ce qui deviendra l'ironie dramatique. C'est en partant de sa devise: «Connais-toi toi-même» que la littérature, sous toutes ses formes, a mis cette méthode en application.

C'est le cas du Don Quijote de Cervantes où la complicité entre l'auteur et son public met en lumière tout ce qui caractérise Don Quijotte. Il en sera de même avec Shakespeare, qui utilise ce procédé dans plusieurs pièces, mais essentiellement dans le rôle de Falstaff avec qui le spectateur reste intimement lié, nous permettant d'analyser, à l'insu du futur Henry V, tout ce que l'austérité et la dureté finales de ce dernier cachent de faiblesses humaines. Plus tard, nous retrouverons, sous une forme qui se rapprochera davantage de l'ironie à but tragique, le comportement d'Hermione dont Corneille dira: «Racine met quelques ironies dans la bouche d'Hermione».

La complicité entre les acteurs et les spectateurs aux dépens de l'un des personnages à été également utilisée en poésie entre le poète et son lecteur. Charles Rollin (XVIIIe siècle) nous dit «qu'on appelle poème dramatique celui par lequel on en fait parler ou agir sur le théâtre les personnages mêmes», à la différence de poèmes épiques, où «le poète ne fait que raconter de son chef, indirectement et de suite, les aventures de ceux dont il parle». Voltaire dira: «Point d'injures, beaucoup d'ironie et de gaieté; les injures révoltent, l'ironie fait rentrer les gens en eux-mêmes, la gaieté désarme».

Il est incontestable que l'ironie dramatique trouvera son apogée dans les comédies du XVIIIe siècle. Marivaux, dans le Jeu de l'Amour et du Hasard peut être mis en parallèle avec She stoops to conquer de Oliver Goldsmith. Miss Hardcastle, déguisée en soubrette, est de connivence avec les spectateurs, tandis que le jeune Marlow se laisse prendre au piège et se trouve confondu au moment où il découvre la vérité: Socrate triomphe ici dans sa méthode qui pousse le personnage principal à une auto-analyse résultant de ce processus où le «dialogue socratique» est transposé dans une œuvre d'art dramatique.

Les vaudevilles qui suivront ces comédies du XVIIIe siècle leur emprunteront ces procédés, en restant sans doute bien plus superficiels, tout en conservant une incontestable valeur psychologique.

Il reste à souligner que la critique littéraire caractérisera ce processus essentiellement sous sa forme anglaise de dramatic irony, d'autant plus que cette technique est souvent la pièce maîtresse du théâtre anglais. On peut citer de très nombreux exemples qui viennent étayer la théorie selon laquelle la dramatic irony sert de pivot autour duquel tourne le développement de l'intrigue: si l'issue est heureuse, nous aboutissons à une comédie; dans le cas contraire, ce sera une tragédie. On en trouvera, en fait, l'application en France aussi bien que dans d'autres pays.

Les tenants de cette théorie prennent pour point d'appui A Midsummer Night's Dream où Oberon, le roi des fées, est le détenteur du secret et reste en constante complicité avec les spectateurs. C'est parce qu'il réussit à réparer les malentendus causés par le lutin Puck que la pièce devient une comédie. Les chassés-croisés de cette œuvre sont incontestablement du ressort de la dramatic irony.

A la même époque, Ben Jonson nous offre une auto-analyse, basée sur la même technique, du personnage de Volpone. Le même processus se retrouve dans un certain nombre de romans, notamment dans les romans picaresques du XVIIIe siècle.

Quoi qu'il en soit, on notera que le Littré ne mentionne pas l'«ironie dramatique» et que le terme ne se retrouve dans aucune critique littéraire. Cette dramatic irony conserve son caractère original anglais, tout comme l'humour que l'on pourrait en rapprocher: c'est d'ailleurs, rappelons-le, le même Ben Jonson qui a décrit Every man in his humour. Cela n'empêche pas cette technique d'être présente au théâtre en France (Molière, par ex.), en Angleterre, en Espagne et en Italie. Il demeure que, après des dépouillements très nombreux, nous n'avons pas pu repérer ce concept sous cette appellation ailleurs que dans la critique anglaise.

Negligence is the rust of the soul, that corrodes through all her best resolves...

Thésée retrouve l'épée de son Père, Nicolas Poussin, 1635.




Since the philosopher did not include the epic hero in the passages where he defined the tragic hero, based on the author of the Poetica, we may distinguish two periods in Greek literature besides others: the period of the epic hero and the period of the tragic hero.

We consider productive to treat hamartia in connection with kosmos, seeing that the hero lives in the world, acts in the world, and establishes relationships with it. In an organized world as the epic world admittedly was, to miss the goal was not characteristic of the hero, if we observe his existence as a whole.

Epic heroes are frequently disturbed by ignorance, blindness (ate) and act against their heroic nature. They can commit a series of errors, as Ulysses did, but finally they reach their aim. Mythic gods sustain the world order. In the world bestowed with sense, the hero is supposed to live in harmony with it. After the epic era, crisis affects, however, cosmic order. That is recognizable in the philosophers of the 5th century b.C. In Heraclitus one discovers two worlds, the world of the senses, changeable, uncertain; and the ordered kosmos, only offered to reason. The distance between these two worlds is o7 3 even larger in a tragedist as Sophocles. For him the ideal world is concealed by mystery. The apparent world, the only real world for Homer, is now illusory ,polluted with false values, having Oedipus as an outstanding example. What Oedipus took for real, his success, was illusion, shadow, doxa; real was what he could not see with his own eyes, a sphere of knowlegde only accessible with stern reasoning.

Oedipus incurs in hamartia holding the apparent as real. The Tragedy King Oedipus shows how he stained, with his blindness, his own life, the life of his mother and the life of his spurious children.In Sophocles' tragedy, we come near to Plato's conceptions. For Plato, the real world was far removed from the senses too. The real world is now the world of eternal patterns, the ideas. Hamartia affects those who remain in this world of shadows. But the crimes which objectify hamartia are not senseless, seeing that they may instruct others to recognize justice, avoiding evil doings (Phaidon, ll3e; Gorgias, 524).

Pedagogic purposes underlie both Greek philosophy and Greek tragedy. The tasks of tragedy and philosophy don't diverge, both attempt to lift the eyes toward truth. In the myth of the cave, the enlighted philosopher discends to those who live in doom to show them a way out. Plato, notwithstanding, hostilized tragedy, because he doubted that tragedy was able to reach what it aimed.

With Plato, we are on the threshold of a new era. What comes after the epoch in which man lived in harmony with his surroundings under the favour of the gods? Dialogue developed. Men live no more in the presence of the fainting gods, men live in the presence of each other, coming to a high degree of consciousness oftheir human limitations. The philosophers, heroes of the new era, avoid the arrogance (hybris) of their tragic forrunners. Socrates, model of the new era, declares that he knows only one thing, which is that he knows nothing. Leading others to the same understanding, he invides them to search for truth together, developing a new investigation method, dialectics.

For Mikhail Bakhtin and Walter Benjamin, the new era wich began with Socrates can extend until our times.

This new era is interrupted by Christianity. Christian literature stressed the failure of this world. Since man shows enmity against God, refuses his word, and wills the evil, it is impossible for him to find a way out with his own strength. Man being a failure since Adams fault, hamartia is understood by Christians as sin. Man cannot overcome his wicked nature except by the help of God. God redeems man through Jesus Christ. As can be seen in medieval literature, man must be conducted by God to attain his goal. Dante, the man whom was given the opportunity to visit the other world, is led by guides (Virgil or Beatrice).Without guides, Dante's pilgrimage would have been unconceivable. The same occurs with all Middle Ages heroes. God's grace guides them, makes them succeed.

Dialogue is restored after Renaissance in a movement called Manierism, which some authors as Benjamin confound with Baroque. But it is convenient to distinguish them. Baroque, linked to Counter Reformation, is an attempt to reestablish medieval unity. Manierism, on the contrary, takes account of the crisis seriously as can be observed in Cam∙es' poetry, in Michelangelo's painting, o7 3 in Shakespeare's and Calderon's theatre. The crimes which attain Hamlet are senseless, and sullen is the palace (image of the world) in which he lives.

The gap between God and man is so deep that man feels himself in a splitten world in which , surrounded by shadows which frighten, scared by death, proportion makes no sense any more. Christian conception of sin ( Hamartia) crossed by Greek intetectual unrest (Montaigne, Pascal) provokes feelings of lonelyness in a world forsaken by God, meanwhile dialogue recovers its Socratic significance. But Western man loses gradually the hope that dialogue is a fair mean to reach truth. Man feels himself condemned to vague freely in this wicked world. Examples for this feeling we find in Baudelaire's verses, in Kafka's fiction, in Beckett's theatre, in Sartre's philosophy and in Lacan's psichoanalysis. For Sartre, human being is condemned to be free, Kafkas's heroes never find what they search for, Beckett's Godot never appears, Lacan's theoretical and practical effort tries to help men to live in a senseless world.

After de Second World War, emerges a generation to whom errancy, is no more tragic. Things are as they are, and there is no use questioning what is hidden behind them. Cinema, photographing averything and averyone neutrally, favors these conceptions. To this generation belongs a writer as Robbe-Grillet, a philosopher as Gilles Deleuze, a painter as Kandinski, a concrete poet as Haroldo de Campos. Benjamin considers modern man a flâneur, a man who goes through the large cities without an aim, which places us in an extreme opposition to the epic hero where we begun.


21 octobre 2006

Dans la solitude et l'obscurité, le surmoi est absent, mis en veilleuse alors le moi s'exprime librement, ...

Hubris( üβρις), according to its modern usage, is exaggerated pride or self-confidence, often resulting in fatal retribution. In Ancient Greek hubris referred to actions taken in order to shame the victim, thereby making oneself seem superior.

Aristotle defined hubris as follows:

Hubris consists in doing or saying things that cause shame to the victim,
not in order that anything may happen to you, nor because anything has
happened to you, but merely for your own gratification. Hubris is not the
requital of past injuries; this is revenge. As for the pleasure in hubris, its
cause is this: men think that by ill-treating others they make their own
superiority the greater.

Crucial to this definition are the ancient Greek concepts of honor (timē) and shame. The concept of timē included not only the exaltation of the one receiving honor, but also the shaming of the one overcome by the act of hubris. This concept of honor is akin to a zero-sum game.

Hubris was a crime in classical Athens. Violations of the law against hubris ranged from what might today be termed assault and battery, to sexual assault, to the theft of public or sacred property. Two well-known cases are found in the speeches of Demosthenes; first, when Meidias punched Demosthenes in the face in the theater (Against Meidias). The second (Against Konon) involved a defendant who allegedly assaulted a man and crowed over the victim like a fighting cock. In the second case it is not so much the assault that is evidence of hubris as the insulting behavior over the victim.

An early example of "hubris" in Greek literature are the suitors of Penelope in Homer's Odyssey. They are eventually made to pay for their presumptuous encroachments on the household of Odysseus.

Hubris is often said to be the "hamartia" ("error") of characters in Greek tragedy, and the cause of the "nemesis" (nemesis), or destruction, which befalls these characters. However, tragedy represents only a small proportion of occurrences of hubris in Greek literature, and for the most part hubris refers to infractions by mortals against other mortals. Therefore, it is now generally agreed that the Greeks did not generally think of hubris as a religious matter, still less that it was normally punished by the gods.

In its modern usage, hubris denotes overconfident pride and arrogance; it is often associated with a lack of knowledge, interest in, and exploration of history, combined with a lack of humility. An accusation of hubris often implies that suffering or punishment will follow, similar to the occasional pairing of hubris and Nemesis in the Greek world and the proverb "pride goes before a fall" is thought to sum up the modern definition of hubris.

La discrétion est la seule vertu qui souffre l'excès, sans en souffrir...

Le Baiser Volé, jean Honoré Fragonard, 1870.





A Poor Young Sheperd


J'ai peur d'un baiser
Comme d'une abeille.
Je souffre et je veille
Sans me reposer :
J'ai peur d'un baiser !

Pourtant j'aime Kate
Et ses yeux jolis.
Elle est délicate,
Aux longs traits pâlis.
Oh ! que j'aime Kate !

C'est Saint-Valentin !
Je dois et je n'ose
Lui dire au matin...
La terrible chose
Que Saint-Valentin !

Elle m'est promise,
Fort heureusement !
Mais quelle entreprise
Que d'être un amant
Près d'une promise !

J'ai peur d'un baiser
Comme d'une abeille.
Je souffre et je veille
Sans me reposer :
J'ai peur d'un baiser


Poèmes Saturniens "Aquarelles"

Paul Verlaine